“If Washington says stop, it will be the only time Israel says no.”

The day after a new American veto of an “immediate” ceasefire in Gaza, interview with Michael Oren, former Israeli ambassador to the United States and former deputy minister of diplomacy.

Published on: February 21, 2024 – 9:57 p.m

6 mins

For the third time, The United States used its veto, Tuesday, February 20, at the UN Security Council on a text calling for an “immediate ceasefire” in Gaza. Recently, however, Washington has shown disagreement with its Israeli ally over the conduct of this war. The Biden administration is particularly urging Israel not to launch a military operation in Rafah, a city in the south of the Palestinian enclave that is currently home to more than 1.3 million people, without a plan to protect civilian lives.

RFI: Is this American veto a sign that the United States' support for Israel remains unwavering despite the disagreements between the two countries?

Michael Oren: You have two policies that have remained largely unchanged. The first is ammunition supply. And the Biden administration not only provided ammunition, but accelerated deliveries, bypassing Congress. The other is to reject ceasefire requests in the Security Council.

But behind the scenes, the United States' position on Gaza has changed. During his visit to Israel in January The Foreign Minister was very critical of Israel. It was an extraordinary moment. Because on October 8th, 10th, 11th or 12th, the United States was on the same line as Israel: destroy Hamas. But America's new position is to ensure that the events of October 7 are never repeated.

It's a completely different line. And behind the scenes, the Americans told me that they thought Israel's goals were unrealistic, that Hamas could not be completely destroyed, and that there had to be a diplomatic solution that might involve technocratic elements of Hamas. Those responsible for water and electricity, for example, within a Palestinian unity government. This is a completely different position than Israel's, which remains unchanged: destroy Hamas.

How do you explain this American bias towards Israel when the United States showed complete support for the Israeli government at the beginning of the war?

A turning point came in late November when the government began to speak with two very different voices. On the one hand, John Kirby, the spokesman for the National Security Council. He said he strongly supported Israel and Hamas' goal of destruction, while downplaying the number of civilian casualties. For a while, President Biden sided with John Kirby. The other side, the State Department and especially Secretary Blinken, were increasingly concerned about the number of Palestinian casualties. He said far too many Palestinians had been killed.

And what happened, at least in 2024, was that the latter voice eclipsed the former. And that's due to a lot of concerns, particularly domestic concerns. Michigan is a key state in the 2024 elections. However, it has a very large Muslim American and Arab American population.

Also read Israel-Hamas war: Biden's popularity among Muslim voters in free fall

Differences are currently being expressed primarily over the issue of an Israeli military operation against Rafah, a city that has become a refuge for more than a million Gazans.

Yes, the issue of Israel's siege of Rafah is currently at the heart of differences. There are many hostages there. The United States is urging Israel not to invade Rafah until it has a plan to evacuate Palestinians from the combat zone. And they want to delay the operation in Rafah in order to continue negotiations with the hostages. From the Israeli perspective, this presents a number of problems. Nobody is interested in the internal situation in Israel, where there is very strong opposition to helping the Palestinians as long as Hamas holds the hostages. And even for people from the center – center left. And there is still enormous support for the fight against Hamas. Especially from the military, from the people who fought there. They say, “What are we fighting for? We will end this fight. We didn't fight for 130 days, our friends didn't die in vain.” And they are a very powerful constituency in Israel.

Are these differences between the two allies common in times of crisis or have they reached unprecedented levels?

We have been through very difficult times. 1948, 1956 and 1973… In almost every war, the United States called on Israel to stop. And in each of them Israel stood still. The question is whether Israel will stop this time when Washington says stop. I think Israel will not stop. This will be the only time Israel says “no” to the United States.

And what impact might this have on relations between the United States and Israel?

I am sure this will have a significant impact on relations with this government. And it will reinforce the trend that has made support for Israel a partisan issue for more than a decade. We have always been proud to say that supporting Israel is a bipartisan issue. From now on, the partisan divide will increase. It will be very difficult for pro-Israel Democrats to express their support for Israel. This poses a great danger to Israel, especially given the possibility of a second front in the north.

And what do you think the Israeli government's response should be?

I am no longer part of the government and therefore speak as a private citizen. But if I were in government, I would try to give the government everything we can give them without compromising our security. For example, if the Biden administration wants to talk about a path to a Palestinian state, unlike the administration that unanimously rejected that idea a few days ago, I would say, “Okay, we're talking.” We're open to discussion. But that does not oblige us in any way.” America wants humanitarian aid for the Palestinians. It's very difficult for us, really difficult. But I would try to go as far as possible to meet America's expectations in this area. America wants a plan to evacuate Palestinians from the combat zone, and I will do my best to make it happen. But if America says, “There will be an indefinite ceasefire as long as there are negotiations with Hamas over the hostages,” I would say, “No, we can't do that.”