From our special correspondent in Narva, Estonia – Determined support from Kiev, Estonia faces a Russian threat more than ever. The Baltic state fears that its large Russian-speaking community is being used for destabilization purposes. Report from Narva, a border town with Russia.
“How should the residents of Narva behave in the event of a crisis? Flee the city or stay and hide? Is there a plan to help the population?” On January 27th, the program “Studio Narva”, broadcast on ETV+, the Russian-language channel of the Estonian public broadcaster, begins with unexpected questions for a Saturday evening and reveals the zeitgeist . Viewers are invited to vote by text message: “In the event of an extreme situation, including war, who will you rely on: the state or yourself?”
A report on first aid training and converting basements into safe accommodation will be broadcast before the debate. “In case of crisis”: The repeated formula is clear, even if Russia is not mentioned once. In Narva, Estonia and Russia are about 150 meters apart, separated by the river of the same name and a time zone.
In the city at the end of January the atmosphere is very calm. In front of the train station, Alexandre plays the violin to relieve his boredom. His handmade gift shop is empty. “European travelers used to stop here before visiting Russia. And the Russians aren’t coming anymore,” he sighs.
The Russian Ivangorod fortress photographed from the Estonian coast, January 27, 2024. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
Buses from Tallinn, the Estonian capital, stop before making their way to the border post. Trips to Saint Petersburg will continue to be offered for a few more days. “We transport people who need it and who don’t necessarily support the war in Ukraine. Since there are no air connections, it is important to ensure a minimum service for those who have families on both sides of the border,” argued Ingmar Roos, general director of the Lux Express company.
The continued existence of these cross-border connections was doubtful at the time. But since February 1st, vehicles are no longer allowed to cross the border. Car traffic on the bridge connecting Narva with the Russian city of Ivangorod has been suspended by the Russian side, justifying the closure due to construction work.
The bridge between Narva and Ivangorod, January 28, 2024. Since February 1, only pedestrians have been allowed to cross it. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
“Be ready !”
In a damp fog, Narva Castle waves the flags of Estonia, the European Union and NATO opposite the medieval Ivangorod Fortress on the Russian side. Switching back and forth between the two banks remained frequent to visit family or make cheap purchases. The people crossing the bridge on foot are not very talkative when they arrive in Estonia – they talk about politics the way they walk on the city's icy sidewalks: with caution.
Narva Castle (left) faces Ivangorod Fortress, Russia, January 28, 2024. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
Since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, international media have been coming here to interview the local population, which is still Russian-speaking more than thirty years after the collapse of the USSR. And in Narva, the assessment of the war turned out to be ambiguous and contrasted with the unconditional support for Ukraine in the rest of the country. But over time, “the pro-Putin verdicts, if they have not disappeared, will no longer be openly displayed,” notes Gleb, a 30-year-old from Russia.
A billboard encouraging people to download “Ole Valmis!” (“Be Prepared”), Handbook of practices to be used “in a crisis situation,” January 27, 2024 in Narva, Estonia. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
Even more devastated by the war, Estonia celebrated Independence Day on February 24th – its first independence, dating back to 1918. History has taught this country of 1.3 million people, annexed by the USSR in 1940, a deep-seated distrust of Moscow. And even though Estonia has been a member of NATO for twenty years, the repetition of a Ukrainian scenario – a Russian offensive justified by the defense of the Russian-speaking population – is a hypothesis that makes it particularly feverish.
At an intersection, a billboard attracts the attention of passers-by. “Don’t stress, download the Ole Valmis app [“Soyez prêt”, en français, NDLR]“With the symbol of the blue triangle on an orange background, the symbol of civil protection, Ole Valmis, created in 2018, presents itself as a pocket manual that gives advice on how to behave in critical situations as diverse as a power outage or providing assistance to a person in danger.
“These tips are of public benefit and since we cannot train everyone, we try to reach as many people as possible,” says Elisa Jakson, a member of Naiskodukaitse, the women’s section of the Defense League. Estonian, the originator of this application. The organization now has almost 3,900 volunteers.
“Many have thought about joining our side but have postponed it until later. The war in Ukraine that started in 2014 acted as a wake-up call,” she says. In this context of heightened tensions, the Estonian emergency services call for the same vigilance. “The security situation in Europe has changed so drastically that we must be prepared for anything,” they emphasize in a detailed document, which in particular draws up a list of products to be stored at home or taken with you in the event of an evacuation.
A Baltic defense line
Since the country regained its independence in 1991, the Estonian Defense League, which was dissolved during the Soviet occupation, has been re-established. While the fear unleashed by Moscow has never gone away in the Baltic countries, the war in Ukraine has restored a clear line of demarcation between Russia and Europe. Tallinn is on alert.
A few days after Volodymyr Zelensky's official visit to Estonia last January, Defense Minister Hanno Pevkur announced the signing of an agreement with his Latvian and Lithuanian counterparts on the construction of “defensive anti-mobility facilities” along the borders with Russia and Belarus. In Estonia, this “defense line” will notably lead to the installation of 600 bunkers, mainly in the Viru-East county, in the Narva region. At the same time, the country has begun the renovation of a Soviet-era air base.
In the meantime, the authorities are on the trail of the influence relays. Last month, domestic intelligence announced the arrest of a professor at the prestigious University of Tartu, Vyacheslav Morozov, a Russian citizen accused of spying for the Russian intelligence services.
Another case from the same period: the Primate of the Estonian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, also Russian, was refused an extension of his residence permit on the grounds that he posed a threat to national security. In Russia, cases of this kind are considered provocations and are appropriately highlighted in the media.
A bus prepares to cross the Narva border crossing towards Saint Petersburg (Russia), January 28, 2024. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
“Parallel Universe”
In Narva, residents of Russian origin make up the vast majority. The city, which was largely destroyed in 1944, was rebuilt and repopulated with people from other parts of the world, mainly from Russia. The latter, who had neither Estonian roots nor language skills, were marginalized after independence.
“For years, the state seemed to be telling them: 'Live your life, but don't bother us,' which allowed the emergence of a parallel universe,” says Gleb, who is passionate about the history of his adopted homeland. A mental universe shaped by Russian media that was able to fill a certain identity gap. It was only in 2015, after the shock of the annexation of Crimea, that the Estonian public broadcaster launched a news channel in Russian. A late reaction that, according to Gleb, “left behind a lost generation that passively integrated the Russian narrative.”
On Pushkin Street there is a monument in honor of the famous Russian poet. In Narva, January 27, 2024. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
The 2023 parliamentary elections provided further evidence of this: in the Narva region, a pro-Kremlin candidate caused a surprise but failed to be elected to parliament. The leader of the Koos (“Together”) movement, Aivo Peterson, who is now accused of treason, caused consternation when he traveled to Donbass on the Russian side of the front. The Minister of Education Kristina Kallas herself justified the result of the vote by saying that she had “spent thirty years ignoring the issue of the integration of the region and the Russian-speaking population.”
Memorial gap
Ivan Sergeyev works there in the Ministry of Finance. Their job is to drive change in this struggling industrial region, where the population has continued to decline since independence due to a lack of economic prospects – unemployment there is twice as high as elsewhere. Originally from Narva, he adopted the Estonian language. “Change must come through education,” he believes, “because a lack of language skills condemns the local population to marginalization: it limits professional integration and prevents access to positions of responsibility.”
Narva City Hall, January 27, 2024. © Étienne Bouche, France 24
In August 2022, the Estonian state sparked outrage in Narva by dismantling a Soviet tank, celebrating the USSR's victory over Nazi Germany. The gesture was symbolic, in the middle of the war in Ukraine. “Some had the impression that part of their identity had been taken away from them,” analyzes Ivan Sergeyev. The Soviet past still fuels fierce resistance and remains at the core of an insurmountable conflict between Russia and its neighbors.
The connection of Russian speakers with the rest of Estonia also depends on the ability to bring this population to a common understanding. In any case, the information had crossed the river well: the following year, a huge screen was installed on the Russian bank to mark the May 9 commemorations honoring the Soviet victory in World War II. So that Narva residents don't miss any part of the show.
